Spiti is fascinating in so many ways that it is difficult not to get bewitched by one of its myriad spells. Beauty comes in several avatars here. It can be in the form of the last silken rays of the soft sun illuminating a lofty mountain peak, a nimble footed Ibex feeding comfortably in a treacherous terrain or a Buddhist prayer flag fluttering in the wind.
Its a landscape where the elusive snow leopards and pervasive humans share the same terrain, their fate intertwined in a tangled complexity. My curiosity to know more about snow leopards brought me here, but it was the bewitching landscape that left me breathless; literally!!! At times when fieldwork starts taking a toll on your body and mind, its one of the spells of the magical Spiti that alleviates the spirits.
It had been a busy month and our team had been moving about in the mountains, rushing from one point to another to place camera traps at various locations. It had become a routine work and monotony had quietly crept in. During one of these routine rush through’s, I was visiting the Badang nullah; an excellent snow leopard area. A few years back, Charu and Sushil had watched a snow leopard at this very nullah for more than an hour, resting quietly underneath one of the cliffs. The approach however was quite difficult and it took us more than an hour to first climb down all the way to the nullah bed and then to climb up to the cliff site where we were supposed to place the camera. I was still thinking if it would be worth the effort, but my doubts were more than allayed when I reached the place. Full of scrape marks and scats, this looked like an ideal place for fixing a camera. However this place harbored things that diverted my attention from camera traps and snow leopards.
The cliffs here in the upper half of the tall mountain overlooked the nullah flowing below with its crisp and clear water. The footing was not all that good and looking down I wondered, what a missed step or wrongly placed foot would mean. There was a small cave, with neat mud plaster slowly coming off the walls and inside the rocks were all black with what appeared like result of years of wood fire. There was a disfigured, but a beautiful painting of a Gompa (Monastery) that had been created by carving on the mud wall. I was very curious about it. Was it that this place was still being used by hunters, did people killed Ibex blue sheep and cooked them up in this desolate cave? I asked Tsering Dorje, my field assistant about this and soon the story unfolded.
There used to be a brave hunter who used to inhabit this cave, killing blue sheep and Ibex in the day and returning to his cave with the quarry in the night. Not very far from the place, there was a Buddhist monk, meditating in this serene and calm Himalayan environment. The hunter was very impressed with the austere life that the monk used to live. He made it a point to leave the best piece of the meat from his kills quietly at the doorsteps of the small cave that monk used to inhabit, making sure that he did not disturb the monk in his meditation.
It is said that years passed by like this when one day the hunter became a bit curious and decided to find out a bit more about the monk whom he had been selflessly serving for such a long time in his own small way. Once inside the cave, he was surprised to notice that none of his offerings to the monk had been accepted and that the monk turned out to be a staunch vegetarian. The hunter felt very bad about it. He thought he had sinned by placing chunks of meat and bone at the very door of a monk who in fact was a vegetarian. Thus filled with utmost remorse, he jumped off from the very cave where he had spent years placing meat at the door of the monk.
It is believed that he did not fall in the nullah. Halfway through his decent, he was suddenly lifted up by some divine powers and he attained buddhatava (or nirvana in today’s more fancy terms). The monk had been watching all this. Thinking that if a sinner like the hunter who killed animal’s everyday and ate their flesh was lifted up by the divine powers, he was sure to be lifted too. Thus he jumped, full of confidence, just that no divine powers lifted him up.
As per the latest rumours, a ghost has laid claim on this unclaimed property (caves). There indeed was an element of truth in these rumours as is evident from the photographs from our spy camera.
The story had thus ended and all of us having had 2-3 cups of lukewarm tea from the big Chinese thermos were feeling refreshed and energized. It was time to move on to the next location of the day and may be search for another story.
Gya, the highest peak in Himachal Pradesh, a towering 6794 m tall giant, but as elusive as the snow leopard. The peak is hidden so deep in a maze of other smaller mountain peaks that it remained unknown till the late 1980′s. Gya is located at the tri-junction of Himachal (Spiti), Ladakh and Tibet. Approaching it from Spiti is an extremely difficult task. Gya sits at head of fortress carved out by the Lingti river. Lingti “an instrument that cuts rocks” as it literally translates from Spitian, has carved a maze of deep gorges, high plateaus and over 20 sentinel peaks rising over an altitude of 6000 m.

Shijibang, one of the sentinels of Gya bears a strong resemblance with the Matterhorn of the Alps. Just that Shijibang is a good 1500m taller!
I have been into this maze before. Mainly in search of the snow leopard (Panthera uncia) and the blue sheep (Pseudois nayaur). This time was my forth expedition. The primary aim was to estimate the population of blue sheep in this region using a new technique called the ‘Double observer survey’. Unlike our previous attempts this time we decided to do the task with a small team of just 5 members. We had to cover an enormous area of about 300 sq km. Most of this has to be approached through high passes and torrent rivers coming from glacier snouts.
The expedition began in the village of Lalung. Takpa and I moved to the next camp called Kibri on day one; Chunnit Kesang, Lama and Pandan were to join us the next day with two donkeys loaded with expedition equipment. Day 3 was our first major hurdle of the Shijibang pass (5100 m) a vertical climb of 1300 m from the Kibri camp.
Among the many defences of Gya, the first is a row of fairly high but relatively easy peaks such as Kanamo (6974 m), Cho-cho kang nilda (6380 m), Tserip (5890 m), Kawu (5910 m) and Shijibang (c. 5900 m). Across the Shijbang pass (5100 m) we were across the first hurdle. But it also meant that if the weather took a turn we could be caged inside. We camped in Shijibang ‘Grassy medow’. The next day across the pastures of Sheru; we camped here for a few days of field work in this region. This region has a very good density of blue sheep. This is also where we saw our first blue sheep kid born in this year.
Our next hurdle was the Lingti river itself. This river is bone freezing cold and has an extremely strong current. But we had a unique solution to this problem. The Yaks! The ship of the cold desert. We were literally going to use them as ships.
We camp by this river for the next few days at a place called Phiphuk. Our next hurdle was the Kuli pass (4800 m). The climb up to Kuli la is gentle and scenic. We decided to ride the yaks up to the pass and across to Saktichen.
We camped at Saktichen for the next few days. The next defence of Gya is the 5300 m high pass called the Chaksachen la. Chaksachen la lies along the ridge formed by Lakhang (6250 m), Shilla (6132 m) and Labrang (5900 m). By now we were low on supplies and we decided that only Pandan and I will go up to chaksachen la and see if there are any more pastures across where there could be more blue sheep. The climb was gentle and we made it to the top without much difficulty.
Across the valley on the other side was the last line of Gya’s defences. The trio of Geling (6100 m), Runse (6175 m) and Gyaghar (6400 m). The lowest point of this ridge is at 5900 m. Nobody has actually crossed this ridge to reach Gya. Across the Chaksachen pass the gorge was too narrow for any pastures or meadows. We traversed the entire ridge and could not see any more pasture. We decided to wrap up our expedition from here.
On the way back I was a little disappointed. I was going back from my fourth expedition without even being able to see Gya. My last opportunity was the crossing of the Shijibang pass. If the weather remained clear then I had a chance. After seven hours of climbing to the top of Shijibang pass I turned around and there was Gya!
From the Himachal side Gya looks like a single monolith rock wall of 1200 m. Getting to the base of this wall is a challenge of itself.
Only after this fourth expedition do I feel truly successful. The expedition was scientifically successful as we had achieved the objective of estimating blue sheep abundance in this entire maze. We had been able to see all the animal species present here. And we had managed to penetrate deep enough inside the fortress of Gya to get a sight of the King!
An important highway cuts through the Bandipur Tiger Reserve in southern India. It is a busy road, mainly carrying holiday makers and vegetable-laden trucks from Mysore and Bangalore to destinations in Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Yet, despite the activity, travellers report an astonishing variety of wildlife crossing the highway or by the roadside.
But if you take a morning drive along this road between the months of April and November, one particular species of domestic animal may dominate your sightings. Cattle. Thousands of withered but hardy native cattle are driven into the Reserve illegally each day during the monsoon season. At this time, outside the Reserve, nearly all land is under cultivation, and there is almost nowhere else the region’s 100,000 cattle can graze.

Thousands of cattle graze inside Bandipur Tiger Reserve, degrading forests and severely affecting wildlife.
Cattle grazing inside wildlife reserves is a well-known conservation problem. Over eighty percent of India’s wildlife sanctuaries and national parks are grazed by livestock, posing a range of problems for wildlife. Livestock reduce the availability of forage for wild grazers and severely affect forest regeneration. They may also harbour diseases that can be transmitted to their wild relatives. In Bandipur itself, research has shown that cattle graze over one-third of the Reserve’s 880 square kilometres, rendering it virtually unavailable to wildlife. Without adequate forage to sustain them, species like the gaur, chital and elephants are forced to move out of areas used by cattle and look elsewhere for food.
But Bandipur Tiger Reserve is definitely among the better-protected reserves of the country. The Reserve management takes threats like livestock grazing seriously and has invested in crores of rupees into digging cattle-proof trenches along the Reserve’s 200-kilometre northern boundary. The ground staff regularly patrol the border as well and do what they can to enforce the law against livestock grazing. Clearly then, cattle owners here are taking a big risk by driving their animals into the forest to graze. If caught, their livestock could be impounded and they could be fined. These impoverished farmers simply cannot afford such fines. Yet, what makes them take such risks for livestock that neither yield much milk nor haul the plough?
The answer lies in heaps along the same road. Five kilometres before reaching the Reserve boundary, the highway squeezes through a jumble of shops in the dusty village of Hangala. Piled high between the shops and houses, lie large mounds of cattle dung. Each morning, Hangala’s industrious cattle march off into Bandipur and return in the evening, bearing a bellyful of the forest. Overnight, in their stalls, they deposit it as the dung they are kept for.
Ah, you say. To a predominantly agricultural community, cow dung must be a very valuable input for farming. But wait at the village a while longer, and you will see trucks lumbering into the village, filling their holds with dung and driving away. Surely, people are not simply giving away such valuable manure?
Of course, they aren’t. They are selling the dung at premium prices to coffee and ginger growers in the neighbouring regions of Kodagu, Wayanad and Nilgiris. The dung in Hangala is not a mere by-product of the livestock. It is in fact the very reason Hangala risks living on the fringes of the law. In a cash-strapped economy where the average farming family struggles against many odds to make a cash income of Rs. 16,000 to 18,000 annually, the few thousand rupees they make additionally from selling dung has come as a godsend. And villagers have to invest little to produce it, besides keep the cattle and turn them loose to graze in the forest.
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This is not the story of Hangala alone. It is also the story of dozens of other villages in the dryland agricultural tract that flanks Bandipur Tiger Reserve. Agricultural activity here begins at the end of the dry season in March-April. Farmers till and fertilise their land with the arrival of the pre-monsoon showers, and sow their crop as the monsoon breaks. This means, right at the start of the cropping season, a farmer needs to have invested considerable amounts of cash into agriculture to cover labour, fertiliser and seeds. But seldom do farmers have the necessary capital. Almost invariably then, they finance their agriculture by borrowing from local moneylenders at interest rates ranging from 40 percent to a staggering 340 percent annually!
But before a farmer gets from sowing to harvest, he is forced to play a grim game of dice with a series of hazards. The first is the ever-unpredictable monsoon. While some wealthier farmers sink their own bore-wells, most farmers can do little besides praying to the rain gods.
The second and often more serious hazard is from crop-raiding wildlife. From the time the seeds germinate until the harvest is finally made, farmers spend night after night on rickety tree-top lookouts, struggling to stay awake, waiting, watching and chasing away wild pigs and elephants that come for the crops. They invest time erecting thorn fences, and spend hard-sourced cash on flashlights, batteries, and firecrackers. Those unable to guard their own fields must pay someone else to do so. And yet, despite these efforts, farmers lose an average of 15-20 percent of their crop to wildlife; the unlucky ones farming along the forest’s edge lose even more. Driven to desperation, farmers retaliate by killing elephants that come into farmland.
So serious are their losses, particularly when compounded by the volatile prices for farm produce, that it is not at all uncommon for a farmer, at the end of an arduous farming season, to have no food on his plate, but also to have slid deeper into debt.
Surely then, for a farmer wilting under the multiple risks that vex his agriculture, the opportunity to despatch his herd of cattle into the forests nearby and live by the dung they produce for him, means a great deal.
Herein lies the reason why a well-protected reserve like Bandipur, even with sincere staff, is unable keep out the thousands of cattle that graze inside its boundary. Forest guards and watchers, drawn from the same local communities, and often facing the same predicament themselves, know all too well that farmers here are too poor to afford alternate fodder, and too needy to ignore what the forest can provide.
Yet, conservation continues to view livestock grazing within wildlife reserves simply as a failure of law enforcement. A narrow preoccupation with strict policing, regardless of the human context, has resulted in great hardships for local people, making angry neighbours. While the forest may indeed be protected from livestock grazing in this way, it is often only until the next summer when embittered villagers vent their frustrations by setting fires that destroy many more hectares of forest and affect wildlife more seriously than their cattle may perhaps have.
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Farmers and wildlife here are thus locked in disastrous embrace as they plunge down a vortex of losses. Losses from crop-raiding wildlife make farmers helplessly dependent on forest resources, rendering habitats poorer for wildlife. This, in turn, drives wildlife to seek food on farmlands where they occasionally meet their end at the hands of a desperate farmer.
Strict policing of the Reserve to keep out cattle has failed repeatedly because local farmers, utterly desperate for the fodder inside, are willing to risk life and limb for it. Such a conservation approach has only deepened the vortex of losses. Instead, would an approach that addresses the desperation of farmers and makes them less needy of the forest help break this destructive cycle?
A small experiment we started in 2007 attempted exactly this. In two neighbouring villages on the fringe of Bandipur—Maguvinahalli and Melkamanahalli—seventeen farmers who together owned 60 acres of land formed a cooperative which received conservation funding to erect and manage solar-powered electric fences around individual fields.
In the year after the fence came up, not a single farmer lost any crops to wildlife. But the real test for conservation lay ahead. Risks from crop-raiding wildlife were now eliminated, but would that actually alter farmers’ dependence on the forest, as the theory suggested?
As monitoring of farm activities continued, some changes in cropping were observed. All seventeen farmers had invested in borewells, thereby reducing their dependence on a fickle monsoon. Year-round availability of water allowed them to grow three crops where earlier they could barely grow one. The fenced lands were abuzz with agricultural activity throughout the year.
Strangely enough, one of the crops on the fenced land was a grass normally used as fodder. Why would farmers sacrifice valuable crop land to grow fodder when grazing was available for free in the forest?
It turned out that farmers had sold their dung cattle and replaced them with a few milch cows. With the farms under cultivation throughout the year, no longer had they or their family members the time to herd dozens of cattle into the forest. What they did have instead was the ability to set a small patch of land aside to support a handful of milch cows which yielded milk they could sell, supplementing their cash income as they had earlier done by selling dung. Soon, all farmers within the fence had stopped sending cattle into the forest.
With no external push towards breaking their dependence on the forest, farmers had taken the step themselves. Of course, their motivations had little to do with concern for wildlife, but did that matter? If the pursuit of the all-too-human goal of an improved quality of life has added benefits for wildlife, is it not time to rethink current approaches to conservation?
Undoubtedly, the challenge of scaling up such an effort to match the enormity of the problem remains. But if conservation must come as a side-effect, should we shy away from the human development activities that precipitate it? Should conservation efforts continue to see wildlife conservation and rural poverty as completely distinct and separate problems, particularly when we encounter them together? Or is rural poverty tripping us up as we march determinedly, in blinkers, towards conservation?
What India’s conservation movement has shown in the past is a strong resolve to protect our wildlife and forests against the poacher’s gun, the miner’s shovel and the logger’s saw. What we are yet to see though, is how justly and creatively this conservation movement can protect wildlife and forests against the neediness of our own people.
- Pavithra Sankaran and M D Madhusudan
An edited version of this article appeared in the Hindu Survey of the Environment 2010.
The elephants stood at the stream’s edge. As the adults drank in measured trunkfuls, calves gambolled in the water. Just above them, on the slope, a large sambar stag emerged silently from the undergrowth. From a cluster of trees above came the scolding call of a giant squirrel, as a troop of Nilgiri langur foraged in the canopy. Just as we were slipping into a reverie, imagining ourselves in pristine wilderness, a woman called loudly to her children playing nearby as she washed clothes outside a neat row of houses, a mere hundred metres upslope of the elephants.

Species like elephants seldom obey the administrative boundaries of wildlife reserves (Photo Credit: M. Ananda Kumar)
This vignette, from the Anamalai Hills of southern India, is not all that unusual. Across large parts of our country, a wide range of species still occur outside the confines of wildlife reserves, and even in the middle of busy, human-dominated landscapes. This is possible because a variety of natural and human-modified habitats—forest fragments, coffee plantations, orchards, paddy fields, marshes and lakes—still exist outside our reserves. These habitats may offer permanent residence for smaller creatures, whereas larger species may use them as passageways to move between wildlife reserves.
But the size, location and status of these habitats that lie outside reserves often belie their importance to the survival of endangered animals. This is so for many reasons.
Firstly, our wildlife reserves, crafted more by circumstance than by design, look like islands when seen on a map. But not long ago, wild animals occupied vast unbroken stretches of habitat—the Western Ghats that run across five states is a good example—and have evolved to move and migrate across such large landscapes. Today, some of the bigger species such as elephants, marooned in small, insular reserves, still seek ways of moving between them. Smaller species like jackals and mongooses, once forest dwellers, now live rather successfully near agriculture and on the edges of villages and towns.
Without this scraggly patchwork of habitats outside reserves, the movement of large animals, as well as the persistence of smaller species would be seriously hampered. Our wildlife would be restricted to the isolated reserves that occupy less than 4% of our country. Unable to move between these islands, they would be greatly affected by seasonal scarcities of food and water. Worse still, if a disease were to wipe out a species from one of these wildlife reserves, we might lose it forever.
How have these slivers of habitat and the animals in them managed to persist? One of the key factors that allows our wildlife to roam fearlessly outside reserves is that Indian law protects the species, rather than just the places they live in. Thus, unlike elsewhere in the world, they cannot be hunted or killed even when they leave wildlife reserves. Beyond the law is the cultural willingness among many communities to coexist with wildlife. The survival of wildlife outside reserves often has more to do with the tolerance of local people than the exertions of our conservation agencies. Thirdly, our agriculture, often even for commercial crops, is practised without the creation of vast, sterile monocultures. A diverse matrix of crop species interspersed with forest remnants and fallow lands have ensured that many of our cultivated landscapes still remain wildlife-friendly.
Conservation today continues to focus its efforts on wildlife reserves, but clearly, it is high time we embraced the ecological landscapes that animals recognise rather than imposing our administrative landscapes on them. And to secure a little more space for wildlife outside our reserves is but a beginning.
- Pavithra Sankaran and M D Madhusudan
An edited version of this article appeared in the Times of India dated 30 July 2010
Got a cup of coffee in hand as you read the paper this morning? Much of the coffee we drink in India is grown in the hilly, southern districts of Coorg, Wayanad and Nilgiris. To the east of these picturesque and popular holiday destinations is a vast tract of impoverished dry-land agriculture. Farmers here have traditionally grown rain-fed crops of millets, pulses and oilseeds.
While coffee is grown by the relatively well-off, farmers in the plains rarely have the capital to invest into seeds and fertilisers each sowing season. They borrow from local moneylenders, who charge annual interest rates between 40 and 300 percent. Few farmers are able to repay these debts, which turn into crippling inheritances passing from father to son.
For decades, this was the saga of farming here. But since the 1990s, a massive but quiet economic revolution has unfolded, driven by trade in a rather unusual commodity.
Cattle dung. Nearly all the 30,000 farmers in these dry-lands keep cattle, mainly as draught animals and also for dung, traditionally an important input into farming. Farmers began selling this humble cow-dung because it fetched a far higher price than chemical fertilisers: for the price of one kilo of cow-dung you could buy 10 times its subsidised chemical equivalent.
But who was buying such expensive manure? It was coffee growers from the adjoining hills. They had had a major windfall in the early 1990s from soaring global coffee prices. The market leaders, Brazil and Colombia, suffered a series of frosts and droughts to which they lost half their produce. This seriously dented the global supply and pushed prices to heights never seen before. Smaller players like India made a killing, bringing massive profits to coffee growers in this region.
Flush with cash, they sought organic manure because it improved the yield and quality of coffee. And of course, conscientious and discerning consumers like you and I were willing to pay higher prices for coffee grown on organic inputs. Does this not sound like a fantastic example of consumer choice benefitting the last link in the value chain—the impoverished farmer of our story who supplied cow-dung to the coffee grower?
But, let’s not stop with the farmer. Let us take this story a step further. Lying just beyond the fields of these farmers is a large and spectacular tract of forest, stretching from Nagarahole and Wayanad, to Bandipur and Mudumalai. Together, these jungles hold nearly a fifth of the world’s remaining tigers and Asian elephants.
Which brings us to the twist. The cow-dung that goes into organic coffee, comes straight out of the cattle that graze—illegally—inside the last strongholds of the tiger and the elephant. Farmers have nowhere but these fragile forests to graze their cattle, which number in lakhs. And since the dung trade began, their populations have risen sharply. These cattle convert the forests, with ruthless efficiency, into first class manure. As they have marched in, the forests have retreated and the numbers of wild herbivores—deer, wild cattle and elephants—have declined.
Thus, in a strange juxtaposition only globalisation can bring, the frosts in faraway Brazil and, not to forget, conscientious consumers of organic coffee worldwide, have helped convert some of the best and last remaining elephant and tiger forests in the world first into cow-dung and then into coffee.
So, as you take your next sip of coffee, perhaps you want to check if it tastes… just a little bit strange.
- M D Madhusudan and Pavithra Sankaran
This article appeared in the Times of India dated 25 June 2010.
Nagaraja Shetty did not want the day to dawn. It would mean that he could see exactly how much the elephants had taken. But the remorseless sun did rise, only to reveal a completely destroyed paddy field. Nothing was left of his meagre one acre. Starvation and deepening debt stared him in the face, but all Shetty could say was, “How can I begrudge the elephants their meal? They needed it just as much as I. For us both, the struggle is the same.”
Shetty is not alone. Across India, lakhs of marginal farmers and pastoralists with small livestock holdings compensate for the lack of physical space for wildlife with vast spaces in their minds and hearts. For many of these people who live on the edges of national parks and wildlife sanctuaries, the losses inflicted by wildlife make all the difference between food and starvation. Yet, many of them do not retaliate or kill these animals.
Not long ago, bears and wolves roamed the European countryside but systematic persecution by farmers and herders, unable or unwilling to bear the killing of their livestock, has ensured their extinction. Recently, when it was suggested that wolves might be reintroduced in parts of Spain, local people threatened to shoot the reintroduced animals. Some years ago, when a jogger in California unknowingly ventured too close to a mountain lion’s cubs, she was killed. After a huge public outcry, the people of California voted to have the animal shot.
In stark contrast, dozens of people lose their lives to elephants in Assam each year. Large numbers of lives are also lost to tigers, leopards and bears across the country. But it is to the credit of our rural populace that they have only demanded safety from these animals, rather than their elimination.
The immense tolerance and accommodation millions of people in India make for wildlife, extends a huge and hugely unacknowledged subsidy to conservation. But for their forbearance, it would be almost futile to attempt conservation in a densely packed country of a billion. But this tolerance is not without contradictions; the same farmer who may forgive an elephant for pushing him deeper into debt may also set a snare to catch deer or pigs for an occasional dinner. Persecution and tolerance may seem incompatible, but they do co-exist in the same cultures.
Tolerance must not be seen as a substitute—but certainly as a very strong supportive element—to conservation action. However, this support cannot continue while people’s burdens continually increase. Farmers and pastoralists across India are known to lose around 15% of their produce or livestock to wildlife each year. These losses are driving rural poverty and people’s patience is wearing thin. Since 2008, in Karnataka alone, over 50 elephants have been electrocuted by live wires laid by farmers desperate to protect their crops. Increased desperation always means reduced tolerance.
The people who share space and resources with wildlife are among the poorest and most disempowered in our country. Conservation efforts today are focused almost entirely on securing wildlife habitats and policing forest boundaries, but they ignore the costs the mere presence of wildlife can place on human communities nearby. If we do nothing to reduce the burdens conservation places on them, or at least to share in their costs, we will only ensure that the cultural space they make for wildlife is lost. And that loss is bound to leave us immeasurably poorer, both ecologically and culturally.
- M D Madhusudan and Pavithra Sankaran
An edited version of this article appeared in the Times of India dated 28 May 2010.
If this is a vision of dying, it is a reassuringly rowdy affair, more bar-room brawl than somber wake. The corpse lies all around, its skeleton slowly decaying and it is difficult to reanimate her in your imagination from the scattered ribs that remain. Rowdy rabbles swarm around, and every so often, soundless scuffles break out between the factions, as they push and shove for prime parts of this carcass. It’s a dynamic dying this, and after more than a century, the process of transforming dust to dust continues unabated.
Our being here is a violation surely, another sacred space invaded in the increasing commodification of voyeuristic experience, and if I am not entirely uncomfortable with being part of this grave-diving party, it is because we are not the first ones here. The giant sweetlips, motionless above the drop-off gives us a patient, tired look as we disturb his hunting ground. There is a quiet disdain in his assessment: with lycra skins, plastic fins, silicone eyes and artificial respirators, we are more synthetic than organic, and rather inelegant aliens in his silent universe. I guess he knows from experience that if he tolerates our presence another hour, either our weak physiologies or our primitive technologies will force us to surface leaving the busy shipwreck to get on with the long, elaborate business of decay.

And as you surface, you look back once more at the wreck below. From out in the blue the ship is a laceration on the face of the reef, a deep gash that starts at 17 meters and continues until it meets the breakers at the surface. The island of Minicoy has several such wounds on her reef face – steam ships that ran aground on trans-Indic voyages, carrying grain and cotton and spices and travellers between Europe and the Indies. After 1885 the wrecks are less frequent after a lighthouse was erected on the southern tip of the island. The lighthouse is manned still; the lighthouse keeper is a gentleman in the old manner – a self-styled naturalist, a collector of flotsam, keenly aware of the historical symbolism of his post, a proud custodian of his craft. He accompanies us up the winding iron staircase of the lighthouse, and from this height you can just about make out where the wrecks of old wounded the reef before this tower was built.
Wounds heal. After the grinding crush of iron keel on aragonite coral, after the life rafts are deployed and the passengers rescued, after the cargo holds are salvaged and the ship stripped of every useable part, the reef calls on its resources to try, as best it can, to repair the tear in its ecological skin. The fish are the first to venture back, and for species that thrive on structure, a fresh wreck can be choice real estate. The benthos takes a little longer. Coralline algae will eventually cover the metal remains, and where there is coralline algae, coral is not far behind. Slowly, the aragonite will grow back again, and although the scars will always show, the reef does its best to embrace the alien structure and make it part of its own complex framework. Given enough time, the wreck is little more than a cicatrix on the bark of the reef, a mild blemish of rusting metal and flourishing coral.

The reef is good at mending bruises. From its pre-Cambrian origins, it has spent most of its existence on a turbulent earth, shifting and gurgling with earthquakes and tsunamis, storms and high waves, extreme tides and shifts in temperature. And by now the threats of ocean warming and El Niño events on coral reefs are familiar tropes to a media-suffused populace. We have all seen, and are perhaps even a little weary of those dramatic images of bleaching coral and dying reefs.
When a small disturbance scales up to catastrophe like this, the self-healing capacities of the reef are put seriously to test. Yet even here, a healthy reef can recover. Much is dependent on having good neighbours close at hand. If a few of these reefs escaped the big catastrophe, they can seed the bare spaces with coral. Like white blood cells to the site of a lesion, a flood of coral spat will descend on the spot made dead and vacant by the disturbance, and occupy every free space. And if the reefs still have a fair complement of grazing herbivores – surgeonfish, parrotfish and the like – those opportunistic algae that can quickly bully out the coral will be kept under check. Given a period of relative calm, and this spat will quickly grow, engaging in a serious-as-death struggle with its compatriots for a space in the sun. Within a decade or so, the wound is mended.
Even in a healthy reef, scars remain long after the healing. Some species of fish and coral may never recolonize a reef if their populations fail. These absences often go completely unrecorded, because we often have no baselines to help us determine the loss. The species that remain have strange demographies, dominated by young individuals, or with some ages completely missing from the population. These populations, like some post-war generation of lost young soldiers, will carry the signature of this loss for a long time after the disturbance has gone.
Back down in the reefs of the Minicoy you can read this signature everywhere. Minicoy bears the burden of its isolation heavily when hit by large disturbances. The once effulgent abundances of branching Acropora are there no longer, and you suspect (although you have no way of knowing) that many of the genus are probably locally extinct. The coral that remain are either very large – survivors of the last mass bleaching – or very small – individuals that managed to recruit to the reef after the event.
As you descend to the wreck
for one last time, you realise, that viewed in one way, the scornful dismal of the sweetlips on your previous visit, was actually a fair metaphor for the wreck itself. Much like you, the wreck is a bionic entity – and after all these years, the identities blur between human and natural forging. This is not new of course. The ability of coral to take human structures and make them its own is well known. And it does not take long for us to wonder if this ability can be used to help reefs in the process of wound healing – hurry along a repair that would otherwise take decades. It is a neat idea surely, and it appeals to the engineers in us. We are a meddling lot, and it is difficult to leave well-enough alone. Already, on experimental and larger scales, there are efforts afoot to restore reefs through artificial means, using many of the same techniques the reef uses when dealing with a shipwreck. Concrete blocks of different configurations are being cemented to the reef, waiting for recruits of coral to descend. Complex electrified contraptions are being established, with the purported aim of encouraging calcium deposition. For many, even these relatively passive means are not fast enough. Nurseries of coral are being constructed, where coral from the reef is broken into bits and coaxed to grow into individual heads. These will later be taken and cemented to the reef, to produce, in the reasoning of the coral nurserymen, instant reefs.
If I come across as a tad sceptical, it is not because I do not believe that these techniques of engineering reefs are a solution. What I am not entirely sure about is what problem they are a solution for. The dilemmas the reef face today from local and global pressures are complex ecological dilemmas, and trying to solve them with simple – dare I say, simplistic – engineering solutions is appealing surely, but almost certainly blinkered. If it is our meddling that has brought reefs to the current brink of disaster, it is a vain presumption to believe that all it will take is a little more meddling to right those wrongs. More seriously for me, it appears to absolve us of deeper responsibilities – to understand the underlying processes that drive the reef’s immune system in the face of disturbance and catastrophe, and to ensure that these processes are protected. This takes more imagination of course. It requires a certain humility to recognise the boundaries of our own accomplishments. And it requires an intellectual investment beyond cement and epoxy. In the absence of this knowledge, the future for reefs is uncertain. We are traveling without a lighthouse here, and shallow strands are everywhere.
A version of this post first appeared on the NDTV blog site.
Humans have always looked upon everything in nature as resources. Forests continue to provide us a staggering range of raw and finished products. Wildlife too, are resources. And there are different ways of using these resources—we hunt deer for meat, trap tigers for skin, poach elephants for ivory. We cut trees to cook dinner, to make chairs, to lay fashionable floors. We mine ore under forests and use the iron to build bridges. But over time, there has come a small but growing realization that we cannot afford to care only about the commodified value of these resources. More importantly perhaps, we need to value and preserve them as living resources.
This is where tourism offers us a very different way of valuing and utilising forest resources. The consumption of wood, meat and ore may sustain livelihoods and foster commerce. But such use also renders a resource finite. The recognition that these uses leave us with less of the resource for the future, has prompted us to explore sustainable ways of using nature to support livelihoods and further commerce. Tourism, as opposed to mining or logging, does not involve extraction and seems the ideal way of keeping a resource intact, while continuing to derive economic benefits.
Ecotourism, goes one step further. Not only does it mean commercial but non-extractive use of forests and but also sharing of economic benefits with local communities. To be equitable and successful, ecotourism also has to offset the loss of livelihood for people who depend on extractive use of the forest. Unless a different way of making a livelihood is offered to the villagers who gather honey, collect firewood or graze cattle in the forest, preventing them from removing these products from the forest is not just unfair; it simply will not work.
If that is the philosophy of ecotourism, how has it fared, in practice? Are we, to paraphrase a government slogan, “taking only memories and leaving only footprints” when we holiday in our wildlife sanctuaries and national parks?

(Bandipur Tiger Reserve) Feeding wildlife encourages animals to come to the road, causing accidents and wildlife roadkills. (Credit: M D Madhusudan)
Let us look a little more closely at our footprints. We leave them behind in the form of large, old trees cut to make roads within forests so that we can go see wildlife. In the form of vast numbers of vehicles entering sanctuaries and parks on these roads each day. In creating and maintaining artificial ‘view lines’ on either side of forest roads by regularly clearing natural plant growth. In fact, our demand for wildlife holidays has caused the forest department to keep parks like Bandipur Tiger Reserve open to visitors even during the summer, taking staff away from fire prevention and control. We even demand evening campfires in our resorts, burning wood cut from the very forests we have come to see. In a place like Bandipur, which receives around 400 tourists each day, these footprints add up to a massive but unseen impact on wildlife and their habitat.
As for sharing the economic benefits, we must ask if and how the rapid growth of wildlife tourism has benefitted local people. Your weekend may have been made memorable by the herd of elephants you saw on the morning safari. But did you know the same placid herd had just then ambled back from a raid in a jowar field right behind your resort, ruining a farmer for the year? In fact, the man who carried away your breakfast plate may have tilled the very land your resort stands on; unable to bear the losses from crop raiding elephants year after year, he may have sold it.
While local communities certainly have an impact on the forests they depend on for firewood and grazing, they also subsidise conservation in ways that have almost never been measured. Were it not for the immense tolerance of local people, there would be far fewer of these wild animals for us to see. As tourists who derive the benefits of sanctuaries and parks, do we not have a responsibility to share in their costs?
One way of offsetting costs is to provide employment to local people. Few, if any, resorts make it a policy to hire people from villages around the resort; it is far cheaper to employ a migrant labourer. A noteworthy exception is the government-run Jungle Lodges and Resorts where around 80% of the staff in most of their properties are from local communities.
The form of ecotourism we encounter today achieves neither of its original goals. In fact, it enlarges our footprint on the forest and totally ignores the second commandment of giving back to local communities. But this can change. Ecotourism businesses, like any other, care about consumers, not crusaders. You and I can ask the right questions of our resorts, demand responsible behaviour and achieve a change that no amount of regulation can bring about.
- M D Madhusudan and Pavithra Sankaran
A version of this article appeared in the Deccan Herald on 11 May 2010.














































